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Rally for the Republic
Overview Rally for the Republic (RFR) is a right-wing political party in Dranland, which was founded by former Prime Minister Julia Breckinridge qin 3470 after the dissolution of the Grand National Party (GNP). Ideology Unlike the former GNP, the RFR does not claim to be a broad tent right-wing party and thus, unlike its predecessor, does not regard conservative ideals a part of its agenda. The party's manifesto is thus decidedly libertarian, aiming to reduce taxes, the size of government and red tape. It strongly supports capitalism, free trade, entrepreneurship and market-based solutions in general. On social issues, it promotes individual liberty and self-determination. *'Economy': The RFR opposes all kinds of environmental regulation, seeing it as hostile to private property. It also rejects the theory of global warming and thus opposes any government action to promote 'green energy', instead seeking to let the market forces decide. *'Taxes': The RFR aims for a flat tax of below ten percent and moderate sales taxes, based on the premise minimum taxation for a minimal state. It is also supportive of the abolition of the corporate tax. *'Civil Rights': The RFR strongly supports permissive civil rights and generally opposes any expansion in police powers. It cherishes the rights to privacy, free speech and self-defence, thus opposing all attempts to restrict gun control. As for gay marriage, it takes a neutral position on the issue and instead calls for the privatization of marriage. *'Military': The RFR is in favor of acquiring all kinds of weapons to equip the Dranish military, but is generally non-interventionist on foreign policy. Nevertheless, it has spoken out in favor of obtaining a stock of nuclear weapons. Internal Factions Mainstream libertarians make up the largest faction within the RFR (approximately 60-80%) and thus dominate its political decisions. They generally seek to reduce the size of government to a minimum deemed necessary, although they do support a certain level of government involvement in areas such as education or health care to provide basic services for low-income citizens, although only in connection with the privatization of these sectors. Minarchists often overlap with mainstream libertarians on many issues, but those within the RFR are often more radical in terms of reducing size of government and taxation. They are also more likely to pursue a strictly non-interventionist course on military issues, some of them even taking a pacifist stance. Anarcho-capitalists constitute the smallest, yet most extreme faction within the party. Their desire for privatization includes institutions such as courts, the military and the police, which most moderate libertarians reject. They are also openly hostile to religion and, while not seeking to ban it, consider it as tied to statism and thus opposed to their idea of freedom. Classical liberals are the most centrist faction within the RFR, although they are still well over on the right-wing. They support state involvement in education, health care and, to a certain extent, ecological issues, but mostly agree with libertarians on economic issues. History When the Grand National Party suffered another disappointing defeat in the snap polls of 3470, winning only 8% after it had long dominated Dranish politics, Julia Breckinridge, former Prime Minister and then-party leader, decided to refound the party as the Rally for the Republic (RFR): "Three times in a row, authoritarianism and religious conservatism has triumphed over individual liberty and universal freedom - what this means for Dranland is not my task to judge, but it means that the GNP, as a political brand, has become void of the firepower it used to have back in the days - we need a comprehensive renewal to tackle the regressive forces and do away with their majority - the strategy of the last years has so utterly failed that it is time to introduce a new era for the libertarian Right in Dranland - an era that will, as sad as it is, not include the old GNP." Only a few hours later, the GNP's leadership council voted upon its last ever resolution before it dissolved alongside the party itself: The parliamentary faction collectively switched over to the new group named Rally for the Republic (RFR), chaired by Breckinridge. As a provisional manifesto, Breckinridge published a three-page dossier which differed from the GNP in that way that it didn't mention "conservatism" and "liberalism" while explicitly calling itself "libertarian, republican and anti-statist". The RFR's leadership circle was mostly made up by former GNP personalities: Sarah Davenport became parliamentary leader, Eric Wainwright and Lawrence Steele served as deputy leaders. The frontbench was filled with those MPs who already held the same positions within the old GNP. In the snap polls of 3470, the RFR made slight gains and subsequently entered a right-wing minority government together with PP, KL and DFL. Apart from major infrastructural privatizations, the government was unable to hold its own and soon collapsed after the opposition managed to pass a budget leaving the agriculture department - criticized as overfunded by the governing parties - nearly untouched. The KL then resigned from government. RFR leader Breckinridge then attempted to install a conservative government backed by her party after she was given an assurance by DCP leader Rafael Duvalle that it would not raise spending or taxes, but it failed to pass the assembly. When, following the assassination of President Martin Kresteva, early elections were called, the RFR made gains again and captured the governorship of Magadonia additionally. Julia Breckinridge also outpolled her party in the presidential race and captured 18% of the vote. After the election, a deadlock once again occurred, and the situation was worsened by the collapse of the KL. A broad right-wing government including both the conservative and libertarian parties of the Right did not pass before early elections were called, which were won by the Kyo Social Democratic Party (KSDP), which then moved on to form a government excluding the RFR. Julia Breckinridge, who won 23% in the presidential race and only narrowly failed to make it to the runoff, was critical of the moderating rhetoric of the KSDP and its socialist-leaning leader, President Sun Gyeong-yun: "I must nevertheless dismiss the term he coined for the proposed four-way alliance, as if this was some kind of unity coalition across the ideological spectrum that will represent the whole of Dranish society. In one way or another, all parties represented in this coalition want to expand state power over the individual, the KSDP and SJP primarily in the economic, and DHD/DCP in the social area. This government is not as contradictory as some are trying to portray it as, it is, above all, an administration that embraces big government ideals. Those representing consequent liberty on economic and social issues have been left out, as have their political representatives. Don't get me wrong, I'm not dismayed over being excluded from government, but I reject the idea that the KSDP-DHD-SJP-DCP administration will somehow unite Dranland - the next four years, we'll have a big government administration confronting a small-government opposition. That is, after all, still pretty divisive." Some time after the election, Breckinridge announced her resignation as RFR Chairwoman and backed her son, Graham Breckinridge, as her successor. However, former Interior Minister Lawrence Steele thwarted these plans by defeating him in the leadership election. When Breckinridge later resigned as MP, she tried to keep her clan influential in the party by fielding another son of hers, Hamilton, for the by-election in her constituency Hollowton, she also failed as the leftist candidate prevailed very narrowly. On a local level, the RFR sparked controversy as Gov. Constance Woodhall of Magadonia legalized nuclear power and set off similar measures in other Provinces. She also raised eyebrows by inviting a revisionist history professor to a podium discussion at a public university. When a recall election was called, she prevailed by a vast margin despite all controversies surrounding her administration. In the elections of 3476, the RFR stagnated at 15%, failing to win seats. As the political landscape was extremely fragmented, coalition-building turned out extremely complicated. Chairman Steele defined conditions for entering an alliance with other parties: "I will not betray you folks by jumping into bed with the socialists - their main agenda is to enable their electorate a careless life by taking your hard-earned money - an idea that their presidential candidate has openly admitted to - and actually enslaving you, the productive working people, to the state. We do not want a state that forces non-consenting individuals into economic and social interdependence, we want personal freedom with personal responsibilities, backed up by absolute property rights. I promise not to shift away from these ideas one inch, even if that means we will not be able to form a government." When a DHD/DRS coalition backed by the SJP ensued, deputy Chairman Graham Breckinridge criticized the new administration: "This coalition could not have been reached without several severe u-turns - didn't Mrs Anthonsen explain her refusal to co-operate with the DCP by citing its involvement in the Werin Da government? Yet she now seems to believe that allying with the DHD, which was just as close to the WD, is perfectly legitimate. And didn't the DHD complain that the 'Coalition for Dranland' proposed by my brother was too incoherent? Yet now they enter government on a conservative-left-liberal-socialist ticket, which fails to find common ground in any aspect. The worst thing about this chaos government, of course, is the fact that it stands and falls with the support of the far-left SJP - which consequently means that if Mrs Anthonsen wants to remain Prime Minister, she must be quick to push us down the road to socialism." With the collapse of DRS and SJP, the new government didn't last long, and early elections were called again, with Breckinridge nominated as presidential candidate, who won 20% and narrowly missed the second round. The RFR meanwhile won 14% of the vote and lost one seat, coming in second behind the Werin Deg. Even though the party base and MPs did not question his leadership, Chairman Steele announced his resignation a few months after the election due to the lack of electoral success. A leadership election was then called, with deputy Chairmen Graham Breckinridge and Eric Wainwright as well as backbench MP Constance Woodhall aiming to succeed him. Breckinridge prevailed clearly, but his first election with the RFR was unsuccessful and brought a loss of 13 seats. Nevertheless, he remained in office as Chairman, despite criticism from figures such as Constance Woodhall, who opposed his anti-DCP and anti-WD course. In the snap elections of 3481, the RFR gained only one seat, but Breckinridge, as the presidential candidate, won 47% in the runoff against Ragnar Solfjord (WD), which was already seen as a success for a stagnating party. In the following years, the party took a hard-line stance against the conservative government, and in the snap polls of 3484, it allied with the Retsforbundet to elect Lucas Manon the first President of Dranland after the constitutional reform, which had merged the positions of Head of Government and Head of State. Although the opposition won a majority and could form an anti-conservative government, the RFR lost seats and its leadership of the libertarian bloc to PGR and ACT-Dranland. Following the losses, Breckinridge resigned as Chairman. Troy Overton was elected as his successor and established the RFR as a part of the government bloc, shifting it further away from the conservative parties and towards radical libertarianism and minarchism. In the 3484 elections, the party endorsed Lucas Manon, candidate of the centre-left, yet socially close-to-libertarian Retsforbundet, for President, who eventually succeeded. The conservatives suffered heavy losses, and a liberal majority emerged. Graham Breckinridge became Vice President, and Overton Minister of Justice. The coalition of liberal parties repealed a great deal of conservative legislation, especially on social issues (which was almost entirely overturned through the Social Radicalism Bill). The economy was also liberalized, as restrictions of foreign investment, advertising and other fields were removed. Immigration barriers were entirely removed. Four years later, the RFR backed Manon for re-election, however he would lose to multiple-times former President Rafael Duvalle (DCP) amid a landslide conservative resurgence. After the elections, Overton led the party into opposition, declaring this step as a part of "resistance against tyranny" after the new conservative Education Minister Hywel Wigley had called for the extermination of libertarianism. The main dispute in the following four years was the military intervention in the Dranish Autonomous Zone following evidence about terrorism and violence against Kyo communities living there. Although the RFR was generally supportive of a humanitarian intervention, it was the most reluctant and critical party with regards to the issue, fearing imperialist tendencies on the part of the Werin Deg, the main conservative force, which had declared the Zone a "''Draddwyr homeland"'' despite its multicultural population. Gwendolyn Hayforth-Breckinridge was appointed RFR spokeswoman for DAZ affairs and led a mission to the Zone, following which she declared: "I want to call on Parliament to ward off any attempts of breaking up the wonderful stateless society that exists in the rough lands of the DAZ, naturally untamed by the barbaric violence of statism. It is a place of archaic beauty and traditionalist lifestyle, embraced by the unspoiled and modest people living there within small, yet coherent and homogeneous communities. The purpose of the intervention shall be to preserve and protect these marvels, not to eradicate and replace them with the vices of statism." In August 3491, Troy Overton resigned as Chairman, and Constance Woodhall was elected his successor with a stunning 65% of the vote despite her conservative streak. Although she implied a less decidedly libertarian platform under her leadership, she assured that she would keep most of the party's agenda is at was at that time, namely minarchist-leaning. Woodhall turned out to be a more difficult coalition partner for the RFR's left-liberal allies, as she declined to withdraw support for major across-the-board budget and tax cuts after the 3492 elections (in which the RFR made major gains) when Retsforbundet made that a condition for forming a government. Chairwoman Woodhall said that fiscal policy is one of our core issues and opposition to any reductions on "(...) education, investments, green technology, science" on the part of R and MPD implies that they regard government as the source of growth and not the free market, which is completely incompatible with the values the RFR is embracing. More and more spending does not improve education, and public 'investments' do not create growth, only market distortions." Early elections were called again, and Woodhall relaunched her presidential bid, in the end of her campaign losing to Manon by only 1.25% percent in the runoff, garnering 48.75%. The party's vote share declined in following elections, with Woodhall losing several presidential races and the left dominating the political landscape just before the turn of the century. Ahead of the 3500 elections, amid an apparent rise in communist radicalism, the RFR nominated Earl Branstead-Smith, a moderate libertarian conservative and foreign policy hawk for President. He received the endorsements of several parties, including PP and the Virtuous Alliance Dranland. During the campaign, the RFR mainly indulged in attacking communism and the left, with Branstead-Smith saying that "the enemies of freedom are marching again, but we the individuals will resist their lemming-like march towards the abyss of collectivism and socialization." The elections became a huge success both in terms of presidential and parliamentary results, as the RFR received an eight percent boost, up to 21%, and became largest party for the first time of its post-GNP existence, while also winning the presidential race as Branstead-Smith prevailed over Cecilie Rahbæk ® with a nearly 30%-margin in the first round. Chairwoman Woodhall said afterwards that "Our score might be wonderful, but that's not the main lesson we can draw from this election", Woodhall said, "rather it has been a blistering veto against the megalomaniac plotting of the communist left, including the utterly ridiculous idea of a Dranland-Saridan union in the spirit of left-wing extremism." The ensuing RFR-led administration achieved the realization of right-wing causes, such as privatizing the energy sector, liberalizing smoking, denying voting rights to imprisoned felons and cutting the sales tax. Food safety regulations were brought back to the responsibility of the federal government, and legal restrictions on cross-dressing, flag desecration and public nudity were abolished. Other RFR initiatives, such as gun ownership rights and less severe environmental regulations, failed. Ahead of the 3503 elections, in which President Branstead-Smith was up for re-election, a massive controversy over the proclamation of a cultural monarchy by Ryeo Haesong, a Kyo aristocrat from Gongmangdo-Comares. While the right-wing government tolerated the venture, the left condemned it and even called for a ban and the imprisonment of the self-proclaimed king. VAD, Encrujicada Democrática and RFR figures tolerated or even supported it, such as Interior Minister Masuhiro Ozawa, who hit hard against the left in a rally in Gongmangdo-Comares: "DCL and R claim that using titles is totalitarian - yes, using titles that do not confer the slightest political power after all. As libertarians, we must recognize the right of every people to associate as it pleases them and, within their communities, use the titles that they consider appropriate. Just as clergymen call themselves Reverend, Father and Bishop, and just as leaders of political organizations call themselves Chairman, President or Secretary-General, the leader of a cultural movement may very well call himself King. Like it or not, it's a part of free speech." The controversy, despite stirring much debate, did not weaken the centre-right alliance in the elections, with the presidential coalition winning 61% of seats in Parliament and the President winning re-election in the first round. As the right-wing parties, RFR, ED and PP, now had a joint majority, it was expected that the administration would become even more market-friendly in the following years. In the ensuing years, the government completed right-wing projects such as the abolition of pollution standards and the reform of farming subsidies, which were hitherto based on environmental benefit. Some measures implemented were, however, opposed by the RFR, such as the reinstatement of public libraries. In 3506, leadership elections were held when Chairwoman Woodhall called for them after a petition signed by 500,000 members had called for it (the last election was held in 3491, when she became leader). The incumbent Chairwoman decided not to seek another term after 14 years in office, and thus the race was between Thomas Trelawney, the parliamentary leader, Interior Minister Ozawa and foreign affairs critic Gwendolyn Hayforth-Breckinridge. Ozawa ran on a pragmatic platform in line with the course of the administration, while Trelawney posed as radical right-winger and fervent anti-communist. Hayforth-Breckinridge embraced anarcho-capitalism. In the first round, Trelawney narrowly led Ozawa, and Hayforth-Breckinridge was eliminated. Despite contradictory polls, Ozawa eventually prevailed in the runoff by a very slim margin, and became new Chairman, mainly due to a verbal endorsement by President Branstead-Smith. He declared: "Hard work and consistent lobbying for freedom has made our recent successes possible, not populist paroles." Due to the RFR-ED-PP majority in Parliament, liberlizations were passed more easily, and the coalition pushed through bills implementing the re-introduction of WDMs (as a means of self-defense, as the President noted), the privatization of forests, further deregulation of infrastructure, reform of farm subsidies and the abolition of pollution standards, which was aimed at promoting productive output and thus increasing wages. In the 3508 elections, Branstead-Smith didn't run for a third term, and the RFR backed Defence Minister General Park Jae-yung (KDF), who then won with 60% of the popular vote. The government coalition remained in power, and the RFR's share increased to 20 percent, it also took back the governorship of Magadonia, its traditional stronghold, from the main leftist opposition party. In the following term, the main project of the centre-right coalition was to implement a neutrality doctrine, which enshrined the non-interventionist tradition of Dranish foreign policy into law. The idea was originally raised by Gwendolyn Hayforth-Breckinridge and the bill was written by Foreign Minister Sun Tae-gun. The declaration stated: "(A) The Government of the Republic of Dranland, in the interest of peace, stability, and prosperity, hereby declares the Republic of Dranland to be a neutral state in the international affairs of Terra. (B) Historically the Republic of Dranland has had a policy of non-aggression and this treaty serves to formalize Dranland's position as a neutral state. The Republic of Dranland urges other nations of Terra to officially recognize Dranland's stance of neutrality in international affairs." An exception from the doctrine was made for affairs regarding the continent of Dovani following an according suggestion from the President. After the 3510 snap polls, discontent within the RFR (and in the ED) with the coalition was growing after the KDF parliamentary party had shifted to the left and proposed things such as the nationalization of energy supply. When leadership elections were held in 3512, it became clear that the coalition had lost its support among RFR members, and Chairman Ozawa had to stand down. Gwendolyn Hayforth-Breckinridge became his successor after defeating Thomas Trelawney in the runoff of the leadership election. Hayforth-Breckinridge then shifted the RFR sharply to the right, and throughout the campaign adopted stances such as the semi-privatization of the military, unrestricted weapon exports and restricted allowance of paramilitaries, which was perceived by many as pandering to the extreme rightists of The Good, which later endorsed Hayforth-Breckinridge in her presidential bid. In the end, she won the presidential election in the runoff with 56% against Sarah Goodwin (UDA), the main leftist contender. The RFR also performed well in the parliamentary election, only losing slightly and retaining its second place despite a cluttered field on the right. It also won two governorships, one in its traditional stronghold Magadonia, and, for the first time in over 200 years, in traditionally left-wing Valdor. When a government was then formed with TG, PP and ED, it started off by privatizing higher education and taking the government out of marriage altogether. Military semi-privatization, another key part of the new President's agenda, was, however, rejected, as well as the privatization of public schools and the introduction of a voucher system. In 3516, TG collapsed, and Hayforth-Breckinridge's coalition was left without a majority. After a year of maneuvering, snap polls had to be held, with the RFR nominating Bernard Hammersmith as the successor to the President, who was not running for re-election. However, he lost narrowly to Sarah Goodwin, leader of the cross-party Alliance of the Left. Nevertheless, the RFR emerged as strongest party and retained its two governorships, most notably in Valdor, which swung so hard to the right that it nearly elected an RFR-PP majority. In the following years, it pursued a hard-line opposition course against the Alliance government, with John Holbrooke leading the parliamentary party as minority leader. His often vitriolic attack on the government over issues such as taxation, smoking regulation or size of the state caused critical observers to describe his style as "obstructionist". In 3521, Holbrooke failed to defeat Goodwin in his presidential bid for the RFR, but the electoral commission declared the results null and void after irregularities had been reported. In the following early election, Holbrooke defeated Goodwin. Unable to form a government, Holbrooke had to call for early elections two years later, but he had managed to pass a corporate tax cut, a key part of his party's pledges ahead of the last election (however, he had to accept the repeal of the Neutrality Doctrine, a policy that he had defended tooth and nail. In the snap polls, the RFR won a stunning 30%, and Holbrooke was re-elected by a landslide, partly due to his sharpest opponent, Adrián Mendiola, failing to register his candidacy properly. Holbrooke's government was based on support from RFR, PP and KDF, and thus ideologically diverse, including one centre-left party. Despite high expectations, Finance Minister Lawrence Sinclair did not manage to lower taxes below 40% as promised before the election. When Holbrooke's health deteriorated, the government was plunged into agony, and Bernard Hammersmith was chosen as the nominee to succeed him as President in 3527. However, the election became a disaster for the RFR, which lost nearly 2/3 of its parliamentary caucus. Thomas Trelawney as well as many other frontbenchers were defeated in their constituencies, and Hammersmith lost by a large margin to Sean Yates (BCB, the Alliance candidate. In the following years, under a new dual leadership of Chairman Eduardo Rivera, a wealthy businessman, and Éléonore Gascoyne as parliamentary leader, the RFR provided fierce opposition to the Yates administration and its policies such as nationalizations of areas such as energy, tax hikes on the rich and vast increases of public spending. However, given the large left-wing majority in Parliament, this was hopeless. In 3531, the RFR endorsed the PP's Maria Gonzalez for President, and after some defections from the Alliance the tide turned and Yates, who was initially the heavy favorite for re-election, was handily defeated, even though the AoL retained a small nominal majority in Parliament. After a staunch austerity course, the government won re-election in 3534, but the Gonzalez lost in an unprecedented landslide to Iason Toles, the first openly gay President. A constitutional reform was enacted so that a parliamentary system of government was re-introduced, with the Taoiseach as the Head of Government. Former Finance Minister Éléonore Gascoyne became the first Taoiseach in 3536, leading a minority government of RFR, PP and KDF, backed by The Good. Her government carried out a massive reform program which included the privatization of health and education (while retaining government funding), the abolition of the minimum wage, restrictions on the power of trade unions, privatization of postal services and the energy sector, as well as a more restrictive policy towards immigration. In 3538, unemployment began to fall, and the government won re-election. During Gascoyne's second term, the party was overtaken by nationalists as Izumi Otaka, a Donnelly supporter, became Chairman in 3540, propelled to victory by rising anti-immigrant sentiments following clashes between natives and migrants that had occurred in Santa Sharika in 3539. However, in the parliamentary caucus, the nationalist faction was a small minority, and Gascoyne's position was not in danger. In 3540, however, there was also major success for the government as unemployment fell below 10% and the economy began to recover. To accelerate growth, income taxes were capped at 25% and corporate taxes were slashed in half down to 10%. In exchange, a 10% VAT was imposed on essential goods. As, contrary to the government's expectation, a deficit ensued, further budget cuts were made. Unemployment continued to fall and public opinion shifted in favor of Gascoyne's neoliberal reform program. In the ensuing election the RFR gained nearly five percent, up to 16.82%, which was seen as a reward for an improving economy by the voters. However, the tide began to turn in 3542, when the controversy over greater autonomy for the Dranish Autonomous Zone rocked the Gascoyne administration. Known for opposing greater democratic participation of the Zoners in affairs relating their region and defending Dranish authority, the Taoiseach received an unfriendly welcome during her DAZ visit in 3543. A terrorist plot to kidnap her was thwarted by the police, but demonstrations against the primacy of the central government in Iglesia Mayor hindered her from speaking at the central square of Enomoto-si, and she had to retreat to a conference center to discuss DAZ-related issues with notable representatives from politics, business and civil society. In 3543, rumors began to spread that RFR nationalists, led by Izumi Otaka, were planning to oust Gascoyne over the DAZ issue as she was increasingly seen as incompetent in this respect. Indeed, in 3544, he submitted an according motion of no confidence, saying that "the Taoiseach is unwilling to grant basic democratic right to the people of the DAZ, which we consider illiberal and unworthy of a party like ours." The motion failed to gain momentum, and so Gascoyne could again lead the party into the 3544 general election, where the libertarian and liberal parties retained a majority, despite the National Fascist Party coming in first. Soon after the elections, the NFP proposed a DAZ reform aimed at granting the Zone near-absolute autonomy, including an own legislative assembly and an own Head of Government. In December 3544, Gascoyne hosted a press conference in which she announced her resignation as she would not back the new DAZ policy. A new government led by The Good took power after Gascoyne's resignation in February 3545, in which Izumi Otaka became Tánaiste (= deputy Head of Government) and Gary Donnelly, who had returned from the DAZ, Foreign Minister. Contrary to the Gascoyne administration, it was supportive of DAZ democratization and appointed Masuhiro-Ozawa Governor-General to oversee that process. When the Nationalist Fascist Party clearly won the 3547 elections, Chairman Otaka controversially decided to accept the offer of Silas Orkard to join in a coalition government out of NFP, RFR and PGR. Erin Woodward and PP leader Kwan Min-Jung criticized that decision, with the latter accusing Otaka of "wanting to gain power at any cost. How can Mr Otaka claim to represent these members, while at the same time propping up a party that seeks to remove citizens' basic right to private property and stop creative enterprise?" The coalition government was formed nevertheless, and the NFP managed to roll back some of the market liberal policies implemented during the Gascoyne era, mostly in the Infrastructure sector. The RFR voted against all these measures in Parliament, but its Ministers had to implement them too which led to a loss of popularity for Otaka and his nationalist faction. The NFP, after revelations about misconduct from the part of Taoiseach Orkard, collapsed in 3548 and early elections were called, in which the RFR lost and the centrist Dranish Hosian League won in a landslide with 35%. Following that, Woodward blamed Otaka for the party's falling fortunes and introduced a spill motion against him, aiming to remove and replace him as Chairman. Otaka, however, after seeing his poll numbers plummet, stood down voluntarily, apparently trying to keep damage away from his nationalist faction. Woodward thus became Chairwoman by default and unveiled a new set of policies including plans to reduce the high 10% sales tax introduced under herself and proposals to abolish immigration restrictions. After an unsuccessful election in 3552, Woodward had to step down, and Gary Donnelly won the leadership, defeating largely unknown former Finance Minister Scott Layton. As Chairman, Donnelly strongly opposed the hard-line unionist course pursued by Taoiseach Dr. Enrique Ovalle on DAZ/NUM isses and spoke out against the suspension of autonomy and the installation of a technocrat cabinet. Donnelly also criticized the alleged lack of fiscal responsibility on the part of the Ovalle administration, which at times ran a 47 billion deficit and yet still continued to raise environmental and agricultural spending. Ahead of the 3555 elections, he made the correlation of public finances and inflation an issue, claiming that "the big issue is, in fact, spending, especially industrial subsidies and agricultural/environmental spending which the government has inflated and which need to be cut back." The government camp meanwhile suggested that he would want to drive up interest, which he denied. The election was lost, and some, such as Éléonore Gascoyne, blamed it on the "outlandish" NUM positions of Donnelly and his ally Izumi Otaka. However, shortly after the election, the Chairman stepped up his rhetoric, saying that "[Izumi Otaka]has exposed Ovalle's real plan, which is turning the NUM into a military dictatorship - already, he makes the people go to the polls with a gun pointed at their heads, bullying them into voting UTU and threatening to ravage the NUM if he doesn't get his way. More and more, Ovalle is tragically resembling his arch nemesis Jun as, in the last months of his self-aggrandizing rule, he loses any sense for political appropriateness, and shows off his disgustingly megalomianc hubris." Leaders Leadership Elections RFR Leadership election, 3473 |'Candidate' |'Round 1 %' |'Round 2 %' |- |Lawrence Steele |42% |51.5% |- |Graham Breckinridge |28% |48.5% |- |Sarah Davenport |20% |colspan=2|''Eliminated'' |- |Write-in |10% |colspan=2|''Eliminated'' |} RFR Leadership election, 3478 |'Candidate' |'Round 1 %' |'Round 2 %' |- |Graham Breckinridge |48.5% |59.8% |- |Eric Wainwright |32.7% |40.2% |- |Constance Woodhall |11.3% |colspan=2|''Eliminated'' |- |Write-in |7.5% |colspan=2|''Eliminated'' |} RFR Leadership election, 3485 |'Candidate' |'Round 1 %' |'Round 2 %' |- |Troy Overton |50.7% | - |- |Constance Woodhall |28.8% | - |- |Eric Wainwright |17.0% | - |- |Write-in |3.5% | - |} RFR Leadership election, 3491 |'Candidate' |'Round 1 %' |'Round 2 %' |- |Constance Woodhall |65% | - |- |Eric Wainwright |25% | - |- |Alistair Sullivan |9% | - |- |Write-in |1% | - |} RFR Leadership election, 3506 |'Candidate' |'Round 1 %' |'Round 2 %' |- |Masuhiro Ozawa |37.04% |50.14% |- |Thomas Trelawney |39.48% |49.86% |- |Gwendolyn Hayforth-Breckinridge |22.26% |''Eliminated'' |- |Write-in |1.22% |''Eliminated'' |} RFR Leadership election, 3512 |'Candidate' |'Round 1 %' |'Round 2 %' |- |Gwendolyn Hayforth-Breckinridge |41.87% |53.42% |- |Thomas Trelawney |38.48% |46.58% |- |Alissa Evenstad |13.41% |''Eliminated'' |- |Masuhiro Ozawa |5.25% |''Eliminated'' |- |Write-in |~1% |''Eliminated'' |} Category:Political parties in Dankuk Category:Libertarianism